By Zosia Halina Archibald
The south-eastern tip of continental Europe used to be an important concentration of inventive power within the moment 1/2 the 1st millennium BC. because the bridgehead among Europe, Asia, and the Mediterranean, the lands that corresponded to northern Greece, Bulgaria, and the eu components of Turkey grew to become a spotlight of curiosity for numerous exterior powers willing to learn from this region's burgeoning wealth.
While the traditional kingdoms of Macedon and Thrace have been considered fringe components of the Mediterranean, they grew to become wealthy and profitable, in part through exploiting the region's mineral wealth and trees and from the powerful herding of cattle. In monetary phrases, those land-based states have been strongly hooked up to the maritime powers of imperative and southern Greece and with components some distance past the Aegean.
Using the main up to date equipment and theories approximately old economies, Archibald explores the cultural and fiscal dynamics of a sector that maintains to bare unforeseen dimensions of Classical antiquity.
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Extra info for Ancient Economies of the Northern Aegean: Fifth to First Centuries BC
Archibald (forthcoming a/), citing Braudel 1982, 350–2 on road trafﬁc volumes in Europe between 1800 and the 1820s. 33 Adams 2007, 281–2, 287–9; cf. Chandezon 2005. 32 Introduction 21 as offshoots from major civic centres in Aegean Greece, these ports conducted close trading relations with their continental neighbours, many of whom spoke local dialects or languages unrelated to Greek. There may well have been a greater degree of shared vocabulary between these communities, particularly along the coastal lowlands, as a result of long-term cultural communication and commodity exchange.
60 Unlike many of his contemporaries, Velizar 58 Velkov 1988, 139–277 with further references. Cf. Velkov 1970, 14 (= 1988, 236). See further Ch. 2 on settlement patterns and types. 60 On Karl Marx’s views on ancient slavery: Morley 2009, 42–3, 151–6; de Ste Croix 1981, 52: ‘the most signiﬁcant distinguishing feature of each social formation, each “mode of production”, . . is not so much how the bulk of the labour of production is done, as how 59 Introduction 31 Velkov was disinclined to speculate and eschewed theoretical exposition, preferring to explore the available evidence as fully as possible.
60 On Karl Marx’s views on ancient slavery: Morley 2009, 42–3, 151–6; de Ste Croix 1981, 52: ‘the most signiﬁcant distinguishing feature of each social formation, each “mode of production”, . . is not so much how the bulk of the labour of production is done, as how 59 Introduction 31 Velkov was disinclined to speculate and eschewed theoretical exposition, preferring to explore the available evidence as fully as possible. Since his own systematic investigations ventured into the civic histories of the coastal trading towns of the Black Sea coast, such as Odessos and Mesambria, as well as into classical slavery and mining, it was clear enough to his scholarly eye that no cordon sanitaire could realistically be constructed around the coastal communities, isolating these enclaves of foreign contagion from the healthy independence of rural communities in the interior.
Ancient Economies of the Northern Aegean: Fifth to First Centuries BC by Zosia Halina Archibald