By Walter Darnell Jacobs
Alongside the names of such giants of Soviet heritage as Brezhnev, Khrush chev, Kirov, Kosygin, Lenin, Stalin, and Trotsky, the identify of Mikhail Vasil'evich Fronze could seem to be misplaced. despite a so much impres sive flowering of Western scholarship on a number of points of the Soviet Union, the determine of Fronze continues to be really undeveloped. it really is, actually, rather attainable to supply a heritage of the Soviet Union during which he isn't 1 pointed out. it's been performed numerous occasions. The Western overlook of Fronze isn't really duplicated in works produced within the Soviet Union. There, Frunze is nearly continually taken care of as a big determine and is popularly considered as one of many nice strategists of the early days of the Soviet republic. He holds, in addition, a excessive position within the ranks of the "Old Bolsheviks. " How are those constrasts among the Western and the Soviet scholarly positions to be defined? a number of components account for the excessive place occupied by means of Frunze in Soviet historiography. He was once an army hero. He had an extended list of revolution ary job. He died at an early age and didn't get entangled within the purges and different excesses of Stalin's later occupation. in brief, Frunze's brief, energetic existence and his contributions to the revolution ideal him nearly preferably to the position of ancient hero. Western students have ignored him, most likely, for a few reasons.
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Additional resources for Frunze: The Soviet Clausewitz 1885–1925
Both Frunze and Lenin were convinced of the inevitability of war and I'qJeatedly made explicit statements rejecting the idea 00£ peaceful coexistence except as a temporary tactic. Khrushchev's proposition that wars are no longer fatally inevitable so long as the bourgeoisie is willing to give up without a fight can be the subject of many interpretations. In any case, it can not transform Frunze into a believer in peaceful coexistence. He was an ardent and convinced advocate of the inevitability of war between the Soviet power and the rest of the world.
38 THE DEBATE of the doctrine, Frunze would include the relationship of the armed forces to the "general system of state life" and the character of the military problems themselves. On the basis of his description of the need for, the content of, and the possibility of elaborating, a unified military doctrine, Frunze turned to its definition. The point of giving a definition to the term, "unified military doctrine," had been reached at a rather late stage. The theses which he and Gusev had composed used the term without pausing to define it.
It is possible to view the situation that existed in March, 1921, as one in which the "Russian" counterrevolution was completely defeated. (Gusev was probably using the tenn "Russian" in a generic sense, and not with reference to the RSFSR alone. , p. 120. The theses are at pp. 120-127. ) If Gusev meant the anti-Russian forces, such as the Basmachis in Turkestan, the Muridists in the Caucasus, or Makhno in the Ukraine, his thesis might hit closer to the mark. He, however, specifically called it the "Russian" counterrevolution and stated that the new threat came from the "imperialistic" powers.
Frunze: The Soviet Clausewitz 1885–1925 by Walter Darnell Jacobs