By Scott Leckie
For greater than sixty years, the blue helmets of the United international locations peacekeeping missions have come to represent either the promise and the fragility of the UN. even though beset with unresolved conflicts, underfunded, and constantly stressed with sentiments of over-expectation, UN peace operations have made a distinction with their 'peacebuilding' tasks. whereas peacebuilding has been generally analysed and critiqued, the UN's function in addressing and ameliorating housing, land, and estate rights demanding situations has now not. This quantity seeks to fill the void via reading the UN's event grappling with the tremendous and inevitable housing, land, and estate rights crises that emerge in all nations in the course of and after clash. via research of UN peace missions in Burundi, Cambodia, Iraq, Kosovo, Rwanda, Sudan and somewhere else, this quantity presents a different array of views on what the UN has performed correct, what it has performed flawed, and what it's going to do sooner or later.
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Additional resources for Housing, Land, and Property Rights in Post-Conflict United Nations and Other Peace Operations: A Comparative Survey and Proposal for Reform
22 Rhodri C. Williams human rights–based approach to HLP rights may have been understandable in the context of the times, but it set the stage for further deterioration in the protection of these rights; this constituting a major lesson learned with implications for other subsequent UN peace operations. Moreover, in the area of HLP rights and beyond, UNTAC has been criticized for establishing a pattern for international engagement in Cambodia that privileges the maintenance of basic political stability over improvements in democracy, accountability, and human rights.
Williams the way for multiparty elections and a new constitution. Under the terms of the agreement, a large international civil and military peace mission, the UN Transitional Administration in Cambodia (UNTAC), was created in order to oversee Cambodia’s transition. UNTAC wielded significant formal and real power during its short tenure (1992–1993) and is often described as the midwife of the largely stable and nominally pluralist constitutional monarchy that exists today in Cambodia. Tasked with overseeing the demobilization of the parties to the Cambodian conflict, facilitating the repatriation of over 300,000 refugees from Thailand, and implementing national elections, UNTAC was armed with correspondingly broad powers, at least on paper.
35 Whether or not it is fair to blame UNTAC, under the circumstances, for having subsumed other concerns – including HLP rights – to the imperative of political stability, is debatable. However, UNTAC does appear to have established an unfortunate pattern of international deference to Cambodia’s often illiberal leadership in this crucial area of human rights and the rule of law. Land and Conflict in Cambodia As the Paris Peace Agreement was being negotiated in the early 1990s, Cambodia was a country that continued to suffer from unprecedented 34 35 Indira Simbolon, ‘‘Access to Land of Highland Indigenous Minorities: The Case of Plural Property Rights in Cambodia,’’ Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Working Paper No.
Housing, Land, and Property Rights in Post-Conflict United Nations and Other Peace Operations: A Comparative Survey and Proposal for Reform by Scott Leckie