By Eric M. Uslaner
What's the nature of illustration? Why do a little legislators appear to pursue their very own coverage schedule and others simply vote for the needs of a majority of their district? Eric M. Uslaner sheds new gentle in this vital debate, demonstrating that present notions of illustration are too slim and that individuals of Congress do either pursue a coverage time table and symbolize their constituents's interests.Uslaner argues that almost all representatives should not have to choose from following their beliefs or constituency personal tastes, simply because citizens often decide on public officers who're in song with their ideals. and as the constituency is a posh association of sub-groups--some of that are extra serious to attaining re-election than others--the legis-lator is ready to shape alliances with those that help the legislator's coverage personal tastes. The perspectives of those teams in the constituence turn into the perspectives to which the legislator will pay such a lot cognizance. briefly, the writer argues, politics are either neighborhood and ideological.Uslaner explores the intersection of a legislator ideology and the personal tastes of assorted constituencies. In taking a look at how they have interaction and the way illustration impacts reelection, the e-book sheds new mild at the position of ideology in American politics.This ebook may be of curiosity to these keen on illustration in all legislative our bodies, together with political scientists and historians.Eric M. Uslaner is Professor of presidency, college of Maryland. he's the writer of The Decline of Comity in Congress.
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Additional resources for The Movers and the Shirkers: Representatives and Ideologues in the Senate
But when we break results down by party, we ﬁnd that senators’ personal values matter, sometimes even more. In moralistic cultures, Northern Democrats who go further left than their core partisan base pay an electoral price. Republicans who bolt too far to the right also lose votes. In traditionalistic cultures, senators who are too liberal for their base are punished at the polls. The moralistic culture of the American Midwest and the South have been home to some of the most famous proﬁles in courage, such as Norris and Smith.
This is both their strength and their weakness. The upside is the theoretical leverage that we get from estimating a measure of pure ideology, stripped of constituency values. The downside is the statistical assumption that member values must be completely independent of constituency beliefs. Yet even the downside has a silver lining: It will suggest an alternative way of looking at legislator ideology that is not independent of constituency preferences. This way of thinking about the problem has four advantages.
I may seem to believe in personal ideology, but I seek to bury it. ” Yet, ideologies gain force when they are shared. A “pure personal ideology” may be possible in a world of hermits and eccentrics. But it has little place in politics, especially in democratic politics. If issues play a key role in electing candidates, it would be difﬁcult to imagine voters purposefully selecting someone whose “personal” values were distinctive, much less signiﬁcantly different from their own. To show that there is no such thing as personal ideology (at least among politicians), I must ﬁrst pretend that there is such a thing—and that we can measure it.
The Movers and the Shirkers: Representatives and Ideologues in the Senate by Eric M. Uslaner